I. The conversation I've been listening to.The conversation that started with
Nicola's essay and
Freddie's astute response has wandered off in some fascinating directions. Now, in his post, Freddie drew on Rod Dreher's
review of Mad Men, and now Mr. Dreher has posted his own contribution: “
Does conservatism require God?” Dreher does a great job of summing up the parts of Freddie's essay that he needs in order to move the conversation forward, so I won't try to do it myself. Dreher eventually gets here:
“Anyway, the political problem for conservatives like me is that we live in a pluralist democracy where there is and cannot be more than superficial agreement on moral values. How do we integrate ourselves into the pluralist framework? It has been fairly easy for as long as this country has existed, because Christian morals, broadly speaking, have held sway in the public square. But that's rapidly changing, and conservative/traditionalist Christians are now and going to be a diminishing minority in this country. John Schwenkler, I believe, has suggested that libertarianism is the best hope for traditionalists, insofar as it is compatible with the American framework, and allows trads of all sorts a relative amount of space in which to live out their convictions in community.“Bottom line, though: the Benedict Option is looking to be the only viable solution to a truly conservative/traditionalist social order. If that can only exist in America within a libertarian meta-order, then perhaps we should explore the possibilities of a new fusionism.”Which is a very nice summary of where the whole Alasdair MacIntyre track seems to take us.
But that's not even the end of it! Will Wilson
jumps back in to distinguish kinds of federalism and libertarianism:
“Don’t get me wrong, a new fusionism of neo-Benedictines and libertarians could acheive a great deal in the short term. I merely wish to caution us against the idea that they are philosophically compatible in the long run given the vast difference between their conception of the relationship between the individual and the state. On my reading, neo-Benedictines hold that individuals should regard themselves primarily as members of political communities, properly understood, even if the communities themselves should not regard their members primarily as subjects of political communities. A ‘hard’ libertarian cannot and will not accept that proposition.” [emphasis added]And though I don't have much to say about it, I can't neglect John Schwenkler's
entry in this stage of the discussion, where things get a little bit more specific. (Incidentally, Schwenkler adds an argument that everything is political, from family to food. If this means that liberals are right about the proper scope of politics and conservatives are right about the scale, could this make Schwenkler a small-government liberal? After all, we have so many big-government conservatives…)
II. The liberal and the libertarian.I'm registered to vote in the Fourth Congressional District of North Carolina. This year, first-time contender
B.J. Lawson is running on the Republican ticket against 20-year incumbant Democrat
David Price. Now, Price is clearly an Old Pro, and as an elitist, I am predisposed to like him. Also, he's a Carolina grad. Dr. Lawson is clearly very sharp as well—he has experience in engineering, medicine, and entreprenuership. (Unfortunately, Lawson went to school “down the road” from UNC, if you know what I mean.)
For some context, read the Independent Weekly's
story on Lawson. Lawson is running on something like the Ron Paul model; in fact, he has Ron Paul's endorsement. And he's raised almost half a million dollars for his effort.
I watched Lawson and Price debate at UNC last Tuesday (video
here). It was not a situation where winning and losing on points really mattered (it was, after all, a campaign debate). Most of the people in the room seemed to be supporters of one campaign or the other. What was immediately clear was that Price is in the mainstream of contemporary American politics, and Lawson is not. But it's the mainstream that Lawson is really running against.
So I'm sitting there in the audience, not really persuaded one way or the other. Price seems thoughtful, competent, and well-positioned to provide the Fourth District with a voice in Congress. He makes a pragmatic case to the liberals and progressives of Orange County:
if the Democratic Party is going to change things next year, they need Democrats in Congress.
Lawson runs against the system. He attacks Price for voting for the Patriot Act, for voting for versions of the bailout plan, for voting for compromise budgets. Price tries to make Lawson's charges seem outlandish: compromise is what legislators have to do (he doesn't say this, but it seems to be behind his words). That's government. And I think this is a reasonable case.
So what does Lawson want to do, besides vote “no” on just about everything?
From Lawson's website:
- The Read the Bills Act: Congress should read legislation before it votes on it.
- The One Subject at a Time Act: Congress should limit legislation to one subject per bill.
- The Write the Laws Act: Congress should write laws and be accountable for their results, and not delegate rulemaking authority to unelected bureaucrats and corporate lobbyists.
- The Enumerated Powers Act: All legislation must specify the Constitutional authority upon which it is based.
Windmills, I think to myself.
Why on earth would the average legislator want to make his own job that much harder?It's certainly inspiring when Lawson asks us to take back the government from the corporations, or to build a sustainable community here in the Fourth District. But it's hard to see how we can get there. Meanwhile, the pragmatic case sounds all right.
III. The stories I want to hear.I want to hear the story of other movements in other parts of the country. I want to hear that if we start something here in North Carolina, it could happen elsewhere too. I want to hear that Lawson is not a Quixote of liberty.
I also want to hear the story of how we got to where we are. Sure: let's consider the ideals of the founders. But let's also be honest about their flaws, and about the things that made it necessary for the Federal government to expand.
First and foremost: let's not mince words about how badly the South ruined federalism for everyone else. When you have a whole territory that not only oppresses an entire class of human beings, but builds its economy on that oppression, what do you do? Especially when that territory seems to have the Constitutional on its side, first with nullification and later with secession? You change the Union, through violence. When liberty is abused that badly, it has to be taken away, or significantly changed at the very least. A story about getting back to the Constitution needs to revisit the Civil War.
Second: we have to talk about where corporations come from. There seems to be an enormous tension between Lawson's free-market ideals and anti-corporation rhetoric. Is it not the case that business grew before government did? In a perfectly libertarian society, what would prevent powerful businesses from gaming the system again? Am I wrong in thinking that it was not Thomas Jefferson and James Madison who considered the problems of enormously powerful businesses, but Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson? A story about getting back to the Constitution needs to wind its way through the Gilded Age.
IV. Don't get me wrong; I do like some parts of the story.On the other hand, I would love to have libertarians in Congress so that they could ask the really tough questions about militarism and debt.
(One time, I tried to make up political bumper stickers I might actually put on my car. I can remember two of them. The first was “Be Careful!” which is not such a great political bumper sticker because most people would think it is about being careful while driving, not while creating legislation. The second was “Thanks for All the Debt,
Boomers.” Not that I expect my generation to do much better.)
V. And back to theory…I am finding myself in a position where I love the idea of what Rod Dreher is advocating, which I take to be a scaled-back, libertarian framework within which all sorts of communities can function. But it should be clear by now that I am not fully convinced by what I see in practice, i.e., in the sorts of libertarians who are actually running for office. And I have written this post, not because I don't think that libertarians (or strong federalists) don't have answers to these questions, but because I don't yet know what these answers are. Many of the libertarians I have known have been more concerned with the New Deal and the Great Society than with the Civil War and the Gilded Age.
Those of us who are attracted to theory are tempted to construct our cities in speech and measure reality against them. This isn't a bad thing: it can be a way to appeal to a standard of justice beyond the structures of the present moment. But, as Burke said, reality refracts the light of theory…
If this line of thinking seems too oblique and too far from the issues for the last few weeks of election season, well, it probably is. But outsider politicians and their supporters will have to address these issues at some point: why not now?
I guess that's enough for now. More later, perhaps.